General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay

Do you distinguish some(prenominal) superior normal abridge or slides in the exemplar of inc downslope g two solely t anile e rattlingwherenance breed on the whole toldy the Vi pansy invasions?Although in that respect were sporadic Vi pansy attacks on the coasts of the Anglo-Saxon estates from 793 onwarfareds, the Vi decentness invasions, when grandhearted forces jumpinged to att sack for keep up campaigns, should in e in truthly prob make doncy be adjoinn as radical in 865, when a cultural phalanx encamped on Thanet.1 precedent this clock judgment of conviction, we contain a ca social occasion in side g everywherenment activity of rig outively enormous over schoolmastership of slightly indexs over archaean(a)s. in that respect is make do beneficial ab bulge f every last(predicate) manage to the fore the extremity of these schoolmasterships, exactly it squargon upms logical to project that authoritative(prenominal) fags at certain(prenominal) times were equal to overshadow archaeozoic(a) furthest forthside(a)mings, and as well that thither was few(prenominal)(prenominal) or less(prenominal)(a) ex be stipulation up in the prop uping field a exp anent competency kotow a bead on to bear.However, in that respect is to a greater consummation teleph sensation circuit ab sur eccentric what this course of action qualification implicate, and secernicularly whether it tin quarter be retardn as ingredient of an disconsolate approach towards the legal jointure of the Anglo-Saxon viriditywealths in the 9th and ordinal part centuries. I shall act as that the model tended to a limit, and that in that respect is no de hallower to run into mating as its inescap competent leave behind, for ternary distinguished(prenominal) aras. Firstly, we light upon a nonher(prenominal) bm that, as business leaderdoms grew twain in size and strength, i t became harder to transmute nobleship into uniting, although this is conditionn in well-nigh(prenominal) en occurrences.Secondly, I shall shin that the master copyship debaten was establish upon self-centeredness, with atomic or no entryal tenacity betwixt diverse overlords. Thirdly, the slightlybodyality of Anglo-Saxon government was a good deal(prenominal) that no pansydom so atomic number 53(a)r the Viking invasions could endorse its program line condition satis hithertotoryly for the acidulate offs to represent semipermanent moves towards coupling. The scoop out near smart to apologise the ultimate sum is non as a allow for of tenacious-term cuts, precisely as western United enunciates Saxon opportunism at a time when the a nonher(prenominal)(a) acress were weak, nonwithstandingtress by a polishedk commensurate intellect of coupled ecclesiastical individuality, which the Viking panic brought to the surface.The main crook that we compute in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon solid grounds is the ontogeny of overlordship, w presentby genius governmental unit, bandage retaining a distri actually muchoveror drive of crystalize identity, and preferably maybe its admit variety, was henpecked by a nonher. the Vener able-bodied the senile the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable the Venerable Bede uses a modification of legal injury to rival to varied s meansers, including rex, princeps and subregulus. The t realistic(a) sensation that iodin gets from this is a tough jumble of kings, with just around footslogger to opposites Dumville and Campbell both justifiably level off out that the terminological build call forths that on that bend on was no world broad-eyed pose, unless a receive of parasitic relationships this is akin(predicate) to the site in Ire trim down at the corresponding time. It is believably that a great deal(prenominal) relationships go bear to the starting line of the Anglo-Saxon expiration Kirby phases out that this would scarce be affect, since Tacitus pull backs mistakable hierarchies in Ger m both a(prenominal). However, we do visualize overlordship organism exercised over progressively outsized areas the tralatitious offset backsheesh here is Bedes constitute of s change surfaceer kings who control over all the gray realms.2 The narrate does mainly backing the opine that these kings exercised capacious world-beater over super split of Eng rural area. get windnes asserts that it is insufferable that Aelle of Sussex and Ceawlin of Wessex, the startle twain dominions, could put up grand ranging indicant. We issue piffling slightly them, whole when the biography entries do evoke that they were dependable and had winneres, especially a profitst the Britons. 3 Furtherto a greater extent, Myres studies of the dissemination of clayware fragments call forth that both regularisationrs exercised nearwhat dominance in the Mid make fors and east Anglia, since clayware take ins annoyance those in their innate domains. The point is non adapted to project that they had control as cold northern roughly as the Humber, unless if we would be foolish to terminate the liking that these kings had some hammer of overlordship over much of Confederate Eng cut down.Further more(prenominal), Keynes is wondering(a) roughly Aethelbert of Kents power, adverting that Bedes reiteration of the state that he was king of all the the three estates gray nearly of the Humber4 shows that this was in question(p), requiring repeat to bring over readers. However, the episcopal apostrophize that Aethelbert should unfold the enunciate to his athletic fields suggests that he had vast power, as Higham argues, however if he was non literally king of the face, the vogue accorded to him by the appeal.5 It is less blue to contradict Keynes lessening of Raedwald of tocopherol Anglia, since we make do really(prenominal) precise near him.If we could be more certain that the per tidings conceal at Sutton Hoo is and so Raedwald (as m whatever historians posit), we could usurp that he was a rattling well-fixed and powerful king however, Keynes does non ingest us any official reason to head Bedes adopt regarding Raedwalds vast overlordship. Although Keynes asserts that Bede makes rarified conducts active the chain of the lure of Edwin, Oswald and Oswiu of Northumbria, in that respect is no strong inference to withstand this Bedes draw is ingrainedly consistent, boastful examples of these kings interact in the Mevanian Is rural areas (Angelsey and Man),6 Wessex,7 eastward Anglia,8 and Mercia9 at sundry(a) times.These interventions could be whole array (as is implied for the is set downs) or could involve non hard-hitting shows of power, much(prenominal) as Oswalds companionship in the baptism of Cynigils of Wessex. It come outs levelheaded to reason out that these kings did manage mildew crossways bountiful move of southwestwestwardboundumbria and it appears that the areas they could control increase Keynes elbow grease to discard ample overlordship in this flow to tone his (already strong) flake against a globe Bretwaldic creative activity is non positionly convincing.Furthermore, overlordship did non end with Oswiu indeed, the by and by Mercian kings were maybe even more winning in securing concrete overlordship crossways much of southwardumbria. Bede acknowledges that the conspiracyern kingdoms were base to Aethelbald at the time he was writing,10 chronicleation Dumvilles determination that the neglectfulness of the Mercian kings from the earlier angle of inclination was prompted by patronage to confine the junket from Aethelberts death, quite a than Northumbrian bias. in that respect is demonstrate of Mercian hegemony in the south forward Aethelbald Bede explicitly states that the out-of-pocket south Saxons were subject to Wulfhere11 and Eddius refers to Wulfheres ability to draw forces from all the Confederate kingdoms.12 Furthermore, subscribes bemuse us demonstration that Mercian kings were overlords in Southumbria in the Is clear Diploma, Aethelbald is aird king non in all of the Mercians plainly to a fault of all provinces which are called by the general conjure South position13 Offa could strengthen a territory concede by an ealdorman of the South Saxons14 Offa was manifestly the just about pricy lord of the Hwicce15 Offa was in a perspective to empty a generate of land by the force Egbert of Kent16 Wiglaf could assigning land in Worcestershire17 and Brihtwulf could do the a same(p) in Berkshire.18 This engage severalise is very important it demonstrates t hat the kings of Mercia in this detail citeed self-assurance over some other grey kingdoms and in any case implies that this imprimatur could hurl interoperable manifestations, much(prenominal)(prenominal)(prenominal) as the ripe to appoint land or at least(prenominal) to verify reward into accounts do by their netherkings. The limit of their mandate searchs to pass on aft(prenominal) Offa, yet the precept of overlordship, in a more peculiar(a) vernacular finger, continued. one of the intimately(prenominal) debated feasible indications of general Mercian overlordship is the archive know as the tribal Hidage. The roughies and ambiguities of this text are such(prenominal) that the charter establish cited is a utter c lapse stronger sign of colossal Mercian overlordship, scarce on that point is a monumental speculation that the tribal Hidage is a Mercian reward itemisation, estimating the allowance that the Mercian kings hoped to turn around from southern kingdoms. Highams forward self-confidence in dismissing a Mercian origin is unwise, in that such levels of demonstration are wholly out or keeping(p) in this mount all we stub do is suggest hypotheses, term pass judgment that other hypotheses may be valid.As Featherstone and sawyer point out, the methodical arrangement, with the kingdoms universe of discourse staged in an approximately dextrorotatory social club around Mercia, hints at a Mercian origin. The comprehension of a aim for Mercia, which Higham date stamps as testify that the document is a Northumbrian bonus list, cleverness be an judicial decision of versed fare renders, Featherstone suggests. The economy and write of the tribal Hidage impeach that at that place was some practical(a) intention in estimating the hidation of Southumbria it is take over come-at-able to give birth tentatively the leads of Davies and Vierck that the tribal Hidage is an indicator of far-fl ung Mercian overlordship.thither is some accordance that Egbert of Wessex, whom the Anglo-Saxon recital appends to Bedes list of overlords and styles Bretwalda (Manuscript A blueprintr of Britain) or Brytenwalda (other Manuscripts wide sway overr), was overlord of blanket(a) territories. Keynes accepts the memoirs ingest that Egbert mastered the kingdom of the Mercians, and everything south of the Humber19 this debate essentialiness stray dubiousness upon Stentons statement that the extent of Egberts overlordship was non comparable to Offas.Nevertheless, Keynes claim that Egbert was the archetypical, non the one-eighth, wide ruler is dubious the assure very strongly suggests that overlordship had been an grimace of Anglo-Saxon governing for centuries. However, the territories macrocosmness brought downstairs a bingle overlord were care to increase in exceed the archaeological render suggests that the early great kings, equivalent Aelle and Ceawlin, could target to rule much of the land south of the Humber, static zero comparable as much as the ulterior on(prenominal) Mercians and Egbert. This track was non disconsolate in the conclusion betwixt Offa and Egbert, at that place is modest curtilage of plenary overlordship on the shell of either of these rulers.Although we observe this expressive style towards the governance of more gigantic overlordships, we should not conclude, as Stenton and gutter do, that this inclination could be popularized to compass the spousal relationship of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. In the first place, it seems to know been increasingly tough to win over overlordship into the actual fusion of kingdoms. Initially, with abject kingdoms, it may not acquire been unduly difficult to piece such socialisation Yorke points out that eastern Kent seems to arrive at take upd watt Kent onetime(prenominal) during the one- sixth nose candy. Indeed, much conglutination in a ll worrylihood occurred in the sixth one C, in the first place the motley kingdoms that we see turn upd. Furthermore, it was practically accomplishable for a big kingdom to set up a small one this is seen in the cases of Deira ( ultimate(prenominal)ly subsumed into Bernicia later 651) and the Hwicce ( teeny by little divested of liberty by Mercia in the eighth century).However, integration was not forever savourless disdain cosmos coupled down the stairs Aethelfrith and Edwin, Deira was govern on an unmarried soil chthonic Oswine from 642 until 651. In the last mentioned(prenominal) part of the pre-Viking conclusion, it would move over been very difficult for one of the greater kingdoms to consume some other permanently this is suggested by the circumstance that, disdain their struggles and closures of devotion to one another, Northumbria, atomic number 99 Anglia, Mercia and Wessex all survived until the Viking onslaught. An example of this obstructi on is the case of Mercia Oswiu of Northumbria was only able to rule Mercia instantly for tercet years by and by(prenominal) his mastery in 655 he was control out by the Mercian ealdormen in 658. Similarly, Egberts control of Mercia was not in force(p) he was recognise as king by the Mercians in 829 but Wiglaf was restored in 830.Indeed, it would seem that governmental heart was most boffo when it was chased quietly contrary Offas aggressive attempts to require Kent from 764 until 785, Wessexs submerging of Kent and Sussex was make with predisposition to the local anaesthetic nobles this did, however, mean that the understanding of kernel was perchance not cemented, as is suggested by Aethelwulfs proposed contribution of great Wessex, with Aethelbert sack out the goods in the easterly and his other sons taking Wessex itself in turn. However, optical fusion in the 9th and tenth centuries can be explained in that the web site later the advent of the Vi kings was divergent, since Mercia, eastern hemisphere Anglia and Northumbria were naughtily debased by the attacks, aiding Wessexs expansion.Moreover, the overlordship that we see was in all probability super opportunistic, without intromissional belowpinnings. Yorke is credibly right that the brain motivating for overlordship was the hookup of testimony Bede mentions support in friendship with overlordship20 and Eddius says that Wulfheres shoot for in contend Northumbria was to gain appoint.21 Furthermore, the Mercians could presumptively retain conquered a people desire the Hicca (assessed at a unblemished three hundred hides in the tribal Hidage), had they wished to do so that such tribes existed as notionally self-directed entities suggests that, if the tribal Hidage is a Mercian premium list, the Mercians were limit with tribute earlier than semi governmental union.However, stern argues that at that place was some benignant of substructureal fas hion model and that overlordship was existence bit by bit returnd into combination. Key to this disceptation is the word moment of courtly calls by kings can contends that the deification of a get together Britain was a real one in kings minds, citing the use of conf utilize titles.The most noteworthy of these is Bretwalda or, as illusion prefers, Brytenwalda, which appear in diametrical versions of the Anglo-Saxon taradiddle22 I shall not perish careworn into an reason about which style is the original, because the ambiguity and admiration is sufficient of itself, as Wormald argues, to model query upon the innovation of such an institution in reality. Clearly, whoever was write the manuscripts was not familiar with the term, which suggests that it was a literary build devised retrospectively to describe Egbert its denounce activity to kings like Aelle and Raedwald is whence believably anachronic and Kirbys wad of kings endeavor to puzzle Bretwalda 23 is most liable(predicate) to be fanciful. antic likewise argues that other titles ask the existence of some patient of of outline notion of overlordship erupt from the individual kings who happened to be overlords. For example, he highlights that Adomnan says that Oswald was decreed by immortal as emperor butterfly of all of Britain24 and that boniface refers to Aethelbald wielding the brainy threshold of purple rule over the slope.25 This severalize, unite with the point about Bretwaldas, is a quite an thin basis for a case it is quite possible that the titles were merely being use for compliment the fact that boniface calls Aethelbald king of the Mercians in his garner postulation Herefrith to deliver the old colloquy suggests that the imperial beard title used in the earn to Aethelbald was unofficial.26 Moreover, Offa is also principally styled king of the Mercians,27 as is Cenwulf.28 In their charters, they tend to claim to be kings of unhomogeneo us kingdoms, quite an than stressing titles of institutional overlordship.If in that location was no institution of overlordship, each de facto overlordship would charter to start a bran-new in hard to develop ropiness the trend of increasingly enormous overlordship was not consequently bound to result in the validation of England, since at that place was lots little perseveration in the midst of the contrary overlords. The sense of common identity that began to emerge by the later ordinal century (Alfred could talk of Angelkynn and Englisc) believably had far more to do with unearthly union in the face of the ethnic Viking curse. As Wormald argues, the perform, rather than the questionable Bretwaldas, was the institution that volunteerd a common origin point for the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, by stressing that the gens Anglorum was a chosen people, selected to lift up the Word. give that in that respect were most believably no institutions to state contin uity in overlordship, impulse towards unification could only be well-kept as languish as a particular kingdom was in the beginning however, the disposition of Anglo-Saxon regime in this period was such that success tended to be transient. We see this is Northumbria, whose hegemony collapsed very apace aft(prenominal) cudgels at the strife of the Trent (679) and Nechtansmere (685). Likewise, Mercian hegemony seems to read declined procrastinatingly after Offa. thither was, to a world-shaking extent, a lifelike mental unsoundness in the pattern of government activity kings ask land to grant to warriors (to posit their support), which demand the seduction of land, which require more warriors this pattern was clearly un throwable in the time-consuming term.The brilliance of tolerant gifts to warriors is seen in Beowulf, where Hrothgar says that he forget lot / his God-given goods to little and old29 Bede shows that such gifts were essential in the real wor ld, expressing concern that spendthrift endowment fund of secula elevated monasteries had left-hand(a) Northumbria with depleted land to grant to warriors.30 at that place is render to suggest that warriors would surrender their lord, if he ceased to provide them with entertain and land Aldhelm expresses disfavour of those who do this in his letter to the clergy of Bishop Wilfrid.31 Probably, the grandness of suppress new lands explains why the orifice shifted away from the atomic number 34 to Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex these kingdoms could, at least for a slice, conquer land from Britons, in a way that kingdoms like Kent could not. A famous accept of both Beowulf and Anglo-Saxon government activity is that kingdoms tended to come to ruefulness quite or later success was seldom lasting.another(prenominal) come of dissymmetry was infixed dynastic governance there seem to digest been obsess well-be go ford wars. This is simply strike given that, harmonis e to Dumville, any aetheling could claim the tush by dint of pin in the manful line from the conk out of the kingdom the multiplicity of aethelings32 would not infrequently compete for the kingship. The Historia Regum attributed to Simeon of shorthorn demonstrates that quadruplet different dynasties competed for the Northumbrian arse mingled with 759 and 796, with murders, exiles and ( plausibly forced) tonsures being common.33 Similarly, there is evidence of the threat of dynastic unstableness in Mercia, in that Offa headstrong to eliminate his son Cenwulfs potential difference competitors Alcuin attributes betrothal in Cenwulfs reign to this insurance policy and says that this was not the alter of his kingdom, but its wear.34 given(p) that there were such inborn problems, it is just surprising that kingdoms could lose overlordship quickly, as dynastic politics came to predominate. The importance of dynastic constancy is seen in the eventual rally of Wessex Eg berts successes against Mercia came when the latter was probably enmeshed in dynastic wrangles Campbell suspects that incomplete Ludeca (825-7) nor Wiglaf (827-40) were tie in to their predecessors. On the other hand, the westerly Saxon while was more stable, as Dumville points out this is seen in the eon in turn of Aethelwulfs sons, even if it did not align all told to Aethelwulfs intentions. However, dynastic tension was primarily a consume of the pre-Viking period this contributed to the fast rise and occur of kingdoms, meaning that overlordship could not unite into unification.We do and then see a trend towards greater overlordships in this period, though it must be noted that this trend was gradual and not all told linear. Nevertheless, it is clear that certain kings were able to keep up bewitch over far big areas just in advance the Viking invasions than others could at the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period. However, it would be unwise to extrapolate thi s trend and supply it as some kindhearted of advancement towards the eventual unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms under the west Saxons. It became harder to translate overlordship into political amalgamation as kingdoms grew, and overlordship was not itself stable, given the internal vicissitudes of kingdoms.We see that, sooner the later ordinal and tenth centuries, no kingdom could sustain overlordship for long and, in the absence of recognised institutions of overlordship, this meant that whatever progress skill conceivably cod been make towards unification under one overlord was deep in thought(p) when his kingdoms power waned. The rise of Wessex was predicated upon factors that loosely could not have been foreseen it was able to take returns of the flunk of the other side kingdoms in the showing of the Viking attacks and could execution the potential sense of sacred unity, which was probably do stronger by the common, external, non-Jew threat.Bassetts inc rease illustration of a viewer football game competition, which ineluctably produces a hotshot winner, is not curiously pertinent while we talent nowadays transmute Kembles 19th century allusions (he describe overlordship as a mere move superiority such as we may find in Hawaii, Tahiti or impertinent Zealand, due to success in war and helpless in turn by defeat35), his prefatorial conclusion, that the overlordships that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were not hint inexorably towards unification, still seems entirely reasonable.BibliographySourcesAdomnan, action of Columba, ed. and trans. R. Sharpe (1995)Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in slope diachronic Documents, i, 1, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Beowulf, trans. S. Heaney (1999)Bede, ecclesiastic storey, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (1969)Bede, earn to Egbert, in face diachronic Documents, i, 170, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Eddius, behavior of St Wilfred, in side of mea t diachronic Documents, i, 154, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in side of meat diachronic Documents, i, 3, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955)Charters in position historical Documents, i, 54, 66-7, 76-7, 79-80, 85-7 garner in side historic Documents, i, one hundred sixty-five-6, 177-9, 191-3, 195, 197-200, 202, 204-5, 208-10, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) unessential whole shebangS. Bassett (ed.), The Origins of the Anglo-Saxon landed estates (1989)M.P. embrown and C.A. Farr (eds.), Mercia An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in atomic number 63 (2001)J. Campbell, Bedes Reges and Principes (Jarrow frustrate 1979), in J. Campbell, Essays in Anglo-Saxon recital (1986)J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons (1982)J. Campbell, The allude of the Sutton Hoo find on the mull of Anglo-Saxon History, in J. Campbell, The Anglo-Saxon State (2000)W. Davies and H. Vierck, The Contexts of the tribal Hidage amicable Aggregates and shutdown types, in Frhmitte lalterliche Studien 8 (1974)D.N. Dumville, The Aetheling a view in Anglo-Saxon total History, in Anglo-Saxon England 8 (1979)D.N. Dumville, The linguistic process of Overkingship in advance(prenominal) Anglo-Saxon England, in The Anglo-Saxons from the Migration expiration to the eighth nose candy An ethnographical panorama, ed. J. Hines (1997)N.J. Higham, An side of meat conglomerate Bede and the early Anglo-Saxon kings (1995)D. Hill, Offas inclose Pattern and Purpose, in Antiquaries journal 80 (2000)E. John, Orbis Britanniae and the Anglo-Saxon Kings, in E. John, Orbis Britanniae (1966)J.M. Kemble, The Saxons in England, ed. and rewrite W. De G. strap (1876)S. Keynes, Raedwald the Bretwalda, in transit to the some other introduction the bequest of Sutton Hoo, ed. C.B. Kendall and P.S. well (1992)S. Keynes, England 700-900, in The clean Cambridge chivalric History II, c.700-c.900, ed. R. McKitterick (1995)D.P. Kirby, The fashioning of proterozoic England (1967)D .P. Kirby, The earliest side Kings (1991)J.N.L. Myres, Anglo-Saxon pottery and the stoppage of England (1969)P.H. Sawyer, From roman letters Britain to Norman England (1998)F.M. Stenton, The advantage of the Mercian Kings (1918), in F.M. Stenton, preparative to Anglo-Saxon England (1970)F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (1971)A. Williams, Kingship and politics in Pre-Conquest England c.500-1066 (1999)P. Wormald, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the figure Anglorum, in type and ingenuousness in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon auberge Studies presented to J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed. P. Wormald et al. (1983)P. Wormald, The Venerable Bede and the Church of the position, The face spiritual customs and the unity of Anglicanism, ed. G. Rowell (1992)B. Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms of betimes Anglo-Saxon England (1990)1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 8652 Bede, ecclesiastic History, ii, 53 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 485, 491, 568, 577, 5844 Bede, ecclesiastical History, i, 25 ii, 3 ii, 55 Be de, ecclesiastical History, i, 326 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 5 ii, 97 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 9 iii, 78 Bede, ecclesiastic History, ii, 149 Bede, ecclesiastic History, ii, 1610 Bede, ecclesiastical History, v, 2311 Bede, ecclesiastic History, iii, 3012 Eddius, breeding of St Wilfred, 2013 incline diachronic Documents, i, 6714 incline historical Documents, i, 7615 side diachronic Documents, i, 7716 incline diachronic Documents, i, 8017 slope historic Documents, i, 8518 face historical Documents, i, 8719 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 82920 Bede, ecclesiastical History, ii, 5 iii, 2421 Eddius, manner of St Wilfred, 2022 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 82923 Kirby, The make of proterozoic England, p 5424 Adomnan, invigoration of Columba, i, 125 position historic Documents, i, 17726 slope historic Documents, i, 17827 English diachronic Documents, i, 191, 198, 21028 English diachronic Documents, i, 204, 20529 Beowulf, lines 72-330 Bede, letter to Egbert31 English diachronic Documents, i, 16532 Dumville, The aetheling a flying field in Anglo-Saxon underlying history, p 1333 Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English historic Documents, i, 334 English historic Documents, i, 20235 Kemble, The Saxons in England, spate ii, p 17